THE ROLE OF MASS MEDIA IN SOMALILAND’S ELECTIONS

 

Introduction

In a democratic process, citizens and politicians interact in a mediated environment. During election campaigns, candidates cannot have direct personal communication with every single citizen. On the other hand, constituents cannot express the first-hand experience of different policy issues directly to policymakers. Instead, people rely on the exchange of information through the mass media and by various forms of media to communicate political messages and information, like the values and policies of political actors, parties, and candidates, and the impact of these values and policies on society and the world around us. This paper will attempt to explore the role of mass media in Somali land Elections as a fulfillment of the term paper requirement for the course of Media, Peace, and Conflict. As is often the case, a simple question creates many lines of inquiry. In order to understand the topic of Mass Media and Elections, one needs to first understand what is Mass Media? And what is a democratic election? Only then, we can explore the role of Mass Media in democratic elections.

 

The first time that the term Mass Media was used according to western literature was in the 1920s, especially, in sales and advertisement discourse. (Briggs, & Burke, 2010). In this context, mass media is loosely defined to “represent the most economical way of getting the story over the new and wider market in the least time” (Oxford University Press, 2015). The deconstruction of the concept is crucial in understanding the fundamental connotations of the complex concept of “mass media” as it consists of highly nuanced terminology. Mass Media in its broadest sense can be defined as “the main means of mass communication, esp.  newspapers, radio, and television regarded collectively; the reporters, journalists, etc., working for organizations engaged in such communication.” (Oxford University Press, 2015). 

The word “Mass” can be defined as, “a large number of human beings, collected closely together or viewed as forming an aggregate in which their individuality is lost.” (Oxford University Press, 2015). What is vital to note in this context is the social emphasis on “the masses,” as an aggregate body of people, it is are more impersonal than “populace, the ordinary people, esp. as viewed in an economic or political context.” (Oxford University Press, 2015). Furthermore, Turow Joseph (2011), gives a richer and rather more adequate definition of Mass Media as “…the industrialized production and multiple distributions of messages through technological devices.” (Turow, 2011, p.14). 

The enduring essence of Mass Media, throughout history, is, characterized by “openly addressed content, expanded delivery in terms of durability in time and/or transportability over space, and the suspension of interaction among authors and audiences.” (McLuhan, 1969). While McLuhan cites Gutenberg’s invention of the printing press in 1456 as the “big bang” of sorts in communication and culture, theorists such as Peters cite “all communication” as “mass communication.”  In this conception mass media has been extended since the invention of writing circa 5000 B.C.E. and grew with the invention of the alphabet circa 2000 B.C.E.  As Luhmann implied in his more general definition of mass media, the ability to mechanically reproduce information is essential to creating a cultural mass media. Mass communication, and thus the general trend of mass media has been one of increasing efficiency, accessibility, and reach.

Mass media is universally recognized as wielding great influence, but there has been great debate over its effects, source, and control. For McLuhan, mass media is certainly a step closer to his ideal, “global village,” he writes, “might not the current translation of our entire lives into the spiritual form of information seem to make of the entire globe, and of the human family, a single consciousness?”  Certainly, a network of streamlined and widely available information creates a broader social consciousness, especially where mass media is conducted through various channels, “the hybrid or the meeting of two media is a moment of truth and revelation from which new form is born,” it is a “moment of freedom and release from the ordinary trance and numbness imposed by them.”  Thus described, mass media brings the promise of awareness and unity— “media is the extension of man,” it is the “triumphant expansion of the self,” and thus McLuhan’s mass media must be the extensions of many men conversing and communicating.  

His point is that “once we have surrendered our sense and nervous systems to the private manipulation of those who would try to benefit from taking a lease on our eyes and ears and nerves, we don’t really have any rights left.”  Yet this is a positive, our fragmentation as individuals in the West has been, “voluntary and enthusiastic,” and brings man closer to total “translation of our entire lives into the spiritual form of information.”

Benjamin would view mass media as the manifestation of the “desire of contemporary masses to bring things ‘closer’ spatially and humanly.” Like his opinion on the reproduction of art, mass media, achieved by reproduction, can, “meet the beholder or listener in his own particular situation, it reactivates the object reproduced,” and leads to “a tremendous shattering of tradition which is the obverse of the contemporary crisis and the renewal of mankind.” In a Betjemanian sense, mass media allows for personal experience of information and personal renewal. Benjamin writes that “the adjustment of reality to the masses, and of the masses to reality is a process of unlimited scope,” that content is determined not simply by nature but by historical circumstance. Content of mass media is by this definition a product of the contemporary culture and the individual.

Luhmann writes that the interruption of direct contact, which occurs with mass media, ensures “high levels of freedom in communication.”  Mass media is a filter, “whatever we know about our society, or indeed about the world in which we live, we know through mass media.”  Additionally, he raises: “we know so much about the mass media that we are not able to trust their sources.”  But for the “mass daily flow of communications, it is” actually “impossible” in Lachmannian terms to know the truth of a given broadcast, as he defines mass media as an observing system that is only capable of, “distinguish[ing] between self-reference and other references,” and “cannot simply consider themselves to be the truth.” Luhmann asserts that the world is “incomprehensible” and “inaccessible,” and thus there is no other alternative than to create mass media that constructs a reality. By this logic, the shadows on the wall of Plato’s Cave, then, are the only means of grasping the real forms, they are not mere illusions but tools for as actual an understanding that humans can achieve. Luhmann determines that the fact that we, the individual, cannot control mass media is beneficial, “the organizations which produce mass media communication are dependent upon assumptions concerning acceptability,” leading to standardization and variety of information untailored to the individual. 

This effect is precisely how the “individual participants have the chance to get what they want, or what they believe they need to know in their own milieu from the range of programs to offer.” Thus, the mass media is the only reality we have and the only reality we can conceive.

Adorno fervently asserts that mass media is an out-cropping of “mass culture,” or “the culture industry” and that “the world wants to be deceived.”  Despite “the social role,” he elaborates that the function of something is no guarantee of its particular quality.” Mass media has a “monopolistic character,” that seeks to “streamline” and “in so far as the culture becomes wholly assimilated to and integrated into those petrified relations, and human beings are once more debased,” replacing conformity with consciousness.” The effect of mass media in the industry is “one of anti-enlightenment” it is “mass deception and is turned into a means for fettering consciousness.” Deep suspicion of the agent behind mass media resonates in Adorno, “typically mass media are the playthings of institutions,” thus Marx and Marxist theorists such as Adorno take it a step farther, determining that the “culture industry” creates products and information tailored for value, and consumption by the masses, and these products, “to a great extent determine the nature of that consumption.” The masses, here, are a secondary “object of calculation” and an appendage to the machinery. 

The political and cultural impact of mass media is unmistakable from whatever perspective. Fashion, political campaigns, and war are mingled with mass media spin. The rise of Nazism and Fascism, which Benjamin and Adorno experienced firsthand, certainly would not have been possible without propaganda in all mass media forms. Mass media and control have been extensively explored through literature in such Dystopian novels as Brave New World by Adolos Huxley, and 1984 by George Orwell. These novels bring up the concept of surveillance and mind-control through various media. Both works contain a sort of “Big Brother” constantly watching and brainwashing the easily susceptible and unquestioning masses. The concept of mass media itself was not codified in writing until the early 20th century, the significance of the timing provides support for arguments that mass media helps to define the modern period in the West. As technology progressed, displacing, complementing, and augmenting new forms, McLuhan and others cite the expansive quality of media advancements, such as moveable type, into other forms of larger-scale communication such as newspaper, the radio which rose to fame in the 1920s, disseminating information through transmissions, and the Television which was commercially available in 1930 and became ubiquitous by the 1950’s spreading information by broadcast.

Mass media is seen by and as a direct output of capitalist democracy, and an essential component in the maintenance of a centralized government. An era of “democratization” of the media itself is taking place on the new frontier of mass communication: The Internet. Anyone who has access to the technology and the skills to operate a computer can provide content. There is an increasing “mass” use of the internet for information dissemination. It is an avenue not considered by many of the main media theorists simply because the internet was not yet a reality in their time. Grassroots campaigns, blogs, and YouTube appear to create not only a national but an international forum. An icon and great-thinker in the realm of Pop Culture, Andy Warhol has said, “in the future, everyone will be famous for 15 minutes,” and there is great validity to this concept when applied to the Internet today. Even amateurs with an opinion can provide content, and many do: 44% of U.S. internet users have contributed information to the Internet.

The media is one of the basic elements of democratic governance, and democratic elections cannot be conducted without media. Free and fair elections are not only related to freedom to vote and knowledge of how to vote, but they are also related to a participatory process in which voters participate in a debate and have sufficient information about parties, policies, candidates, and the electoral process itself so that their choices are informed. In addition, the media act as a watchdog over democratic elections, protecting the transparency of the electoral process. Indeed, the term democratic elections without free mass media or suppressed mass media implies a contradiction. (McFaul, M. (2005). In 2016, the annual International Conference on World Press Freedom Day reiterated the importance of the Dakar Declaration which was a declaration affirming that "independent and pluralistic media are essential to ensuring transparency, accountability, and participation as essential components of good governance and human rights-based development." In addition, the declaration urges member states to “respect the function of the news media as a fundamental factor in good governance, which is vital for increasing both transparency and accountability in decision-making processes and for communicating the principles of good governance to society.” [UNESCO, 2016].

For the mass media to play its role, it must maintain a high level of professionalism, accuracy, and impartiality in its coverage. Regulatory frameworks can help ensure high standards. Laws and regulations must guarantee the freedoms required for democracy, and include freedom of information and expression, in addition to freedom of participation. At the same time, the provisions requiring government media funded by public funds to provide fair coverage and provide adequate space for opposition parties to ensure the correct behavior of the media during elections.

The term media was previously understood to refer to the print press in addition to radio and television. In recent years, however, the definition has expanded to include new media, including online journalism and social media. Individual journalism is gaining increasing influence, especially in countries where traditional media is censored or regulated. The right of voters to obtain complete and accurate information, and their right to participate in discussions and dialogue on political issues and with politicians, is one of the most important pillars of media coverage of the elections. An inherent feature of this mission is the right of parties and candidates to use the media as a platform for interaction with the public. 

In addition, the electoral management body needs to communicate information to the electorate - and many other groups such as political parties and candidates. The media themselves have the right to freely cover the entire electoral process and closely monitor it. This monitoring in and of itself is vital protection against interference or corruption in the conduct or implementation of the electoral process.

Therefore, the relationship of electoral management bodies with the media is multi-faceted and includes:

1.      Election management body as a source: The election management body undoubtedly wants to use the media as a tool to communicate its messages to the electorate.

2.  Election Management Body as a News Story: The EMB will focus on the media throughout the electoral process. The media is interested in the information that the electoral management body can provide, and tries to monitor its performance, effectiveness, and integrity of the elections.

3.      As a regulator: The electoral management body may in some cases be responsible for establishing or implementing rules governing media behavior during elections (particularly with regard to parties and candidates' direct access to the media). It may also be responsible for handling complaints against the media.

The following brief example from Somali land in 2017 captures the media's roles in elections. These elections proved the correct functioning of the democratic system in Somali land, but also the important role that the media can play in the regularity, transparency, and trustworthiness of polling stations. Journalists went to polling stations to broadcast live reports and interview observers, polling committee members, and the public to check that everything was going well. They also covered irregularities, fraud, and threats of violence in order to urge the authorities to respond. Groups of rioters who were planning to disrupt voting were arrested during the first round after reports about them in the media. Throughout the entire day, people and political leaders called the radio and television stations to report any crimes, so that journalists could review the facts and cover them. 

Findings:

This paper explored the topic of mass media and elections in different dimensions and underlying realities of media in the electoral context. It was written with the goal of reaching a wider audience: EMB commissioners and staff, donors, candidates, governments, researchers, voters, and members of the media. The paper includes an introduction to the nature of mass media in the context of elections, as well as a discussion of human rights and gender considerations. It also includes a brief history of mass media and elections and an insight into the general landscape of today's mass media in Somaliland, including media ownership. The mass media have traditionally been understood to refer to the printed press as well as radio and television broadcasters. In recent years, however, the definition has become broader, encompassing new media including online journalism, and the internet. Citizen journalism is widely gaining traction, including in countries where traditional media is either controlled or strictly regulated.

The mass media play an indispensable role in the proper functioning of a democracy.  Discussion of the media's functions within electoral contexts often focuses on their "watchdog" role: by unfettered scrutiny and discussion of the successes and failures of candidates, governments, and electoral management bodies, the media can inform the public of how effectively they have performed and help to hold them to account. 

             
Yet the mass media also have other roles in enabling full public participation in elections:

·         by educating voters on how to exercise their democratic rights.

·         by reporting on the development of an election campaign.

·       by providing a platform for the political parties and candidates to communicate their message to the electorate.

·      by providing a platform for the public to communicate their concerns, opinions, and needs, to the parties/candidates,

·         by allowing the parties and candidates to debate with each other.

·         by reporting results and monitoring vote counting

The mass media plays a major role in keeping the citizenry abreast of current events and raising awareness of various issues in any society. It also has an extremely significant impact on the public’s views and way of thinking. The mass media is the primary means through which public opinion is shaped and at times manipulated. If this is the media’s role then in the normal course of events, it becomes even more vital in exceptional periods, one of which is electoral junctures, when the media becomes a primary player. Elections constitute a basic challenge to the media, putting its impartiality and objectivity to the test. The task of the mass media, especially national mass media outlets, is not and should not be to function as a mouthpiece for any government body or a particular candidate. Its basic role is to enlighten and educate the public and act as a neutral, objective platform for the free debate of all points of view.

The most important role of the media in an election campaign is to allow voters to be well-informed about their choices. Another role is to observe whether the election is free and fair. A third role for the media is to report on the strategies the parties are using to try to win votes. Voters deserve to know if a party is making different promises to different people. Voters need to know about party leaders but also party policy and the party’s record. (Institute for Media, Policy and Civil Society, 2004).

In Somaliland, there are indications the coming elections in Somaliland will be highly contentious and that the mass media will have an important role in either exacerbating or alleviating political violence. Indeed, this has already been the case. The much-anticipated election has been postponed several times and escalating tensions between the government, opposition parties, and the population suggest a real potential for election-related violence. The media has emerged as a major player in mediating the current political impasse over election registration. And at the same time, there have been concerns from both the opposition and government that respectively aligned media are provoking current tensions. (Stremlau, Blanchard, Gabobe, & Ahmed, 2009).

Somalians media landscape has also changed significantly in recent years. There has been a proliferation of newspapers as well as private television stations. There are currently more than a dozen private newspapers, many of which were started in the past few years. These are predominately political, and all are based in Hargeisa with limited circulation outside of the city. The most influential papers are edited by former Somali National Movement (SNM) fighters and strongly support the independence of Somali land. They provide a forum for political debate and give extensive space to the opposition whose access to government media outlets is relatively limited.

There are no domestically based private radio stations in Somali land. Government radio coverage, Radio Hargeisa reaches all over the Horn of Africa Region, but the journalistic quality in terms of news production and programming is below the standard. There is an opposition radio, Radio Horyaal, which is internet-based and broadcasts from Brussels. In July 2009 the government arrested its news editor and a station manager for reporting on a clan land dispute. (Stremlau, Blanchard, Gabobe, & Ahmed, 2009). Television has been further liberalized and there are several private cable television operators, the most popular of which is Horn Cable TV. Preliminary analysis of our research across Somaliland suggests that, at least among elites, cable television is a major source of news and information that is perceived to be reliable. Horn Cable was, however, temporarily closed by the government in July 2009, ostensibly for reporting on the same clan dispute for which the Radio Horyaal editors were imprisoned. 

The media landscape of Somaliland

Somaliland has a challenging media environment: eleven newspapers, fourteen television stations, around 60 im­portant websites, and one (state-run) radio station. Both Somali and English-language media are active, with BBC Somali and Voice of America both particularly influential. While state media exists, private owners are the norm, and in general, the media is not noted for its impartiality. Media regulation is weak, and the training environment for media poor. Social media wields enormous influence, particularly among Somaliland's youth, to good and ma­lign effect: while it has grown hugely and hosts some of Somaliland's most influential voices, it has also given voice to 'fake news, which was a significant issue over the election campaign. (Walls, Heine, Klingel, Goggin, Farag, & Mwape, 2018).

Media coverage of the election

Over a period of one month from the start of campaign­ing, around 13 local newspapers, 14 TV stations, and 60 websites were monitored daily to examine how fairly they reported the election campaign as well as the election itself on polling day. How the media adhered to the media code of conduct throughout the election campaign pe­riod to polling day was also monitored.  In general, the media adhered to the code of conduct and fairly reported all political sides. Although the lo­cal newspapers had their own affiliations, (for example Dawan which is state-owned, Somaliland Today, which is owned by a Waddani party official, etc) when it came to re­porting, they were generally fair and gave a good picture of each day's campaign party and the highlights of the candidate's speeches. 

Media policy

 In Somaliland, public spaces for communication such as tea houses, mosques, and word of mouth in shaping opinion are very popular as the Somali society, in general, is an oral society. There are many examples, most of which are the key defining moments in Somaliland’s history, where religious and traditional leaders have been responsible for either inciting or mediating violence. Somalilanders are only just beginning to think about the policy implications for the media during elections. This is extremely important and cannot be overemphasized.  Significant benefits can be obtained even from discussion of possible eventualities and consideration of a range of approaches. Given the constraints of capacity and the limited time available, it is unlikely that serious policies will be made regarding the following issues. Therefore, emphasis should be placed on sensitization and generating awareness among journalists, political parties, the government, businesses, and the population of the role of media and government regulation in the electoral period.  In Somaliland, professionalism in the media is an even more serious problem. Preliminary findings from our research indicate that a perceived lack of professionalism is the single most common complaint about the state of the country’s media, and Somalilanders feel that addressing this is a priority in improving the media scene. 

Reporting the Election Results

In Somaliland, providing the public with accurate, transparent election results will be crucial for the upcoming election. Because the election is expected to be close, it is highly likely that this will prolong the time it takes to count and certify the vote.  During this period, mass media outlets should agree not to report partial, unverified, or misleading vote totals. In return, the NEC should pledge to give the media free and unfettered access to monitor NEC activities in polling stations and at the main counting center.

 

Live Coverage of violence’s

 This has important implications for Somaliland as this is a policy eventuality that should be discussed prior to the election rather than determined in the midst of high tensions. The Somaliland media do not have the capacity for live television broadcasts as all material must first be taken to the studio, but how the material is aired, which images are shown, and with what, if any delay, are all critical questions. Somaliland journalists and media owners tend to be relatively sensitive to reporting on clans and violence. The government must also be aware that poor government propaganda can inflame tensions and even provoke violence. Media consumers can become angry when the government appears to be telling them everything is fine and present a reality that is significantly different from the one, they are experiencing. Perhaps the greatest challenge would be if the government did impose a ban on certain images of violence and it was poorly articulated, communicated, and implemented. Similarly, there are potential tensions regarding regulation and how other media outlets that are more popular, such as Horn Cable TV, would implement such policies.   

The Accelerating Effect of New Technology

Beyond the radio and the press, significant concern has been raised about the role played by communications technologies such as email and SMS text messaging, relatively new additions to mass media communication.

SMS is far less popular in Somaliland because Somaliland is an oral society and our research has shown that there is a tendency for Somalilanders to pick up the phone and call family and friends rather than send messages via text. It would make sense for Somaliland’s mobile phone operators to consider how to trace and identify sources that might be sending out mass SMS messages that include hate speech. Of course, defining what such hate speech includes is a major challenge that has yet to be sufficiently addressed in Somali land.

Mass-media and Public Broadcasting

State-run media during Somaliland’s election is unlikely. Somaliland’s government has a monopoly over in-country radio broadcasting. While Radio Hargeisa coverage extends only around the capital, the state-run television, Somaliland National Television (SLNTV), has greater reach. The potential for the government to distort news coverage for political ends is high and opposition leaders and supporters already claim that SLNTV gives the opposition little positive coverage and invites on talk show guests who make personal attacks on opposition figures. Our informational flow research indicates that Radio Hargeisa is widely seen as being the mouthpiece of the Somaliland government and the ruling party.

Failure to allow the opposition access to the state media is difficult to justify when the last election was decided by just 80 votes. Somaliland’s state-run radio and television must set an example by working towards equal and balanced coverage of all parties. This will reduce tension and build confidence, not only in public broadcasting but in the institutions of Somaliland’s hard-won democracy.

Conclusion: 

In conclusion, it is important to note that although Somaliland’s private-sector mass media is not censored and freedom of expression and opinion exists, yet the government and the private media often clash over simple differences and issues. This is due to the lack of a comprehensive national media policy that would have clearly defined the roles, boundaries, and ethical and professional standards of both the public and private mass media. This study also found that the private mass media sometimes is complicit with spreading negative rhetoric that has the potential to destabilize the fragile peace in Somaliland. This includes clan-related revelry, hate speech, and other forms of bigotry.  

By: Abdiaziz Jama Aden

M.A Peace and Conflict Studies.

Political Anayser.

Hargeisa, Somali land 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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